Panagiotis Zervoudakis
PhD Candidate, University of Crete
Archaeology is a science that unearths, documents and studies the material remains of the past. It does so in an attempt to construct narratives, preserve memories and to raise important issues about human society. In its rather short history as a discreet scientific discipline, archaeology’s path has been redirected several times. It has been influenced in various geographical and chronological settings by ideologies such as nationalism, colonialism, imperialism and other ideological and theoretical constructions. Well into the 21st century, the study of the material past continues to raise heated debates and generate controversies regarding the excavation, preservation and presentation of archaeological findings to the scientific community as well as the public.
In previous issues of TEA, discussions on vastly different archaeological topics have touched upon the concept of limiting archaeological practice in some way; for example, a cultural heritage professional discussed whether archaeology should ‘cancel plastics’ for both environmental and artefact preservation reasons, although plastic has been a significant part of 20th century material culture. Consider another example; Atmore wrote that the importance of marine historical ecology and archaeological reconstructions of past environments for sustainable management of the oceans is often ignored when determining sustainable species’ stock size as it may contradict with modern industrial fishing practices and petro-capitalism. Or, finally, a third example: on the volcanic Caribbean island of Montserrat, the narratives of indigenous and African peoples’ struggles against slavery and colonialism are seemingly silenced in favour of the history of the 20th century inhabitants and their resilience to natural disasters, allegedly due to a lack of sufficient funding. Although these discussions examine completely different archaeological topics, they well illustrate ongoing global debates on the role of past heritage in present societies and their decisions. They are bound by the common underlying concept of implicitly or explicitly limiting, ignoring or excluding parts of archaeological practice that could be described as ‘forbidden archaeologies’.
Recent archaeological discoveries in Heptapyrgion, Thessaloniki and Papoura, Herakleion, in Greece have resulted in controversies within and beyond the scientific community. The findings in these archaeological sites were treated in ways which are distinctly different from those of similar discoveries in Greece, indicating that heritage management is still influenced by factors other than purely scientific criteria.
The mass burials of executed political prisoners near Eptapyrgio, Thessaloniki
During renovation in Thessaloniki from March to June 2025 in the area near the Byzantine Eptapyrgio Fortress (or Yedi Kule Prison as it is known by its Ottoman Turkish name), two mass graves with a total of 47 skeletons were discovered. The first burial was found in March and contained 33 skeletons. With the exception of one female, the remains were those of male individuals. They were political prisoners who had been executed for their adherence to the Communist Party during the Greek Civil War and its aftermath (1945-1953). A second mass grave was excavated in June, which contained the remains of another 14 individuals. In contrast with the 33 skeletons found in the first burial (which were lying side by side), those in the second pit were found jumbled in a heap with their torsos and heads separated, indicating a hasty mortuary disposal rather than a funerary procedure. No clothing remains were found, suggesting that the executed were thrown into the improvised pits naked, further stripping them of dignity after death. The Eptapyrgion/Yedi Kule has been described as ‘Thessaloniki’s Bastille’ due to its longtime use as a prison for political prisoners from the late Ottoman period of the 19th century until the period of the Colonels' Junta (1967-1974) (Kouzinopoulos, 2025). Hundreds were executed in the surrounding area from 1946 to 1955.
The discovery of the 47 executed individuals from the Eptapyrgion sparked a debate about authoritarianism and democracy in modern Greek history and friction between contemporary political parties (Christopoulos, 2025). The skeletons were tightly clustered in unmarked burial pits near the Byzantine fortress, and bullets were found in the skulls. The discovery prompted further investigation to ascertain the circumstances of the burials and the individuals interred, but under the auspices of the Greek Ministry of Culture, the Greek Archaeological Service cleared the site for development. The reasoning behind the decision to clear the site was that the bones were less than 100 years old, and, thus, did not fall within the remit of an archaeological site according to Greek legislation (Law No. 3028/2002 On the Protection of Antiquities and Cultural Heritage in General). In spite of this, Article 2 paragraph ‘dd’ of Law 4858/2021 explicitly states that areas on land that were the site of exceptional historical events that can be delimited topographically, and whose protection is required due to their social, historical and scientific importance dating after 1830 are considered historical sites, and are, therefore, protected by the law.
Local authorities in Neapolis-Sykies (a suburb of Thessaloniki) pressed on with excavation, deeming this chance find as a site of great historical and national significance. Descendants of the executed political prisoners had been visiting the site for weeks, leaving flowers for the deceased and requesting the authorities to conduct DNA testing to identify the skeletal remains and to retrieve them for a proper burial. According to historians and the Greek Communist Party, 400 Yedi Kule prisoners were executed, thus making it nearly impossible to identify the skeletons without laboratory examination. The Association of Greek Archaeologists and the Hellenic Association of Historians criticised the Ministry’s decision to discontinue the archaeological excavation and requested the site to be designated as a historical site (A.G.A., 2025/5/5; H.A.I., 2025/5/22).
The burial finds from Eptapyrgion resemble the ‘desmotes’ (captives) of Phaleron, although their treatment by the Ministry of Culture has been completely different to date. The captives of Phaleron refers to the skeletons recovered from a mass grave containing 78 individuals who had been chained together at the wrists which were discovered at the Phaleron Delta in Athens in 2016. The grave dates between the mid and late 7th century BC. The burial finds were associated with the Cylonian Affair and/or similar historical events, at a time when Attic Greece was struggling with the shift from an aristocratic monopoly to democratic control, with a series of laws and reforms by Drakon (c 650-600 BC), Solon (c. 630-560 BC), and Cleisthenes (c 570 BC). It remains uncertain whether the shackled individuals from Phaleron were executed or died due to other causes. Nevertheless, there is sufficient evidence suggesting that they were subjected to long-term heavy manual labour. The skeletons have been thoroughly studied by archaeologists, anthropologists and forensic scientists. The remains will be transferred for conservation and placed beneath a shelter designed for the protection of the site in what will be a €6.35 million project. According to Costadis Kizis, the architect responsible for the design of the display area, “visitors will come ‘face to face’ with the group of Athenians who were executed”. This treatment is very unlike that given the group of executed political prisoners found in the Eptapyrgion mass graves.
The ethics of archaeology and the rights of the dead have been discussed in the past . The importance of the unburied dead for Greek culture is well-documented since the times of ancient Greek tragedies. However, in the case of the executed political prisoners in Eptapyrgion, the rights of the dead can only be respected by continuing research, rather than reburying into obscurity. Given the sharp contrast with the treatment of the skeletons found in the mass grave at the Phaleron Delta, there appears to be a double standard for the archaeology of death in Greece.
The Papoura Hill Circular Structure, Herakleion
The rescue excavation for the New Herakleion International Airport on Papoura Hill in Crete revealed an exceptionally rare circular structure with a diameter of 48-50 meters, dating from the Final Prepalatial to the early Protopalatial period (ca 2000-1700 BC), around the same time (and perhaps slightly earlier) than the construction of Crete’s monumental palaces at Knossos and Phaistos.
The structure consists of eight concentric stone rings with an average thickness of 1.40 m, and a maximum preserved height of 1.70 m. The original height cannot yet be securely estimated. The building was developed on different elevation levels. At the centre, the rings form a circular building (Zone A) with a diameter of 15 m, constructed with corbelled masonry. The interior of Zone A has a diameter of approximately 9 m, and it is divided into four quadrants. Zone A is surrounded by a second main zone (Zone B), with a maximum width of 6.9 m. Radial walls intersect the lower-level rings, creating smaller spaces. Narrow openings connect the spaces in a labyrinth-like arrangement. Two openings on the southwest and northwest sides of the structure are thought to have served as entrances to the building.
The Greek Ministry of Culture described this site as a unique find for Minoan archaeology, being an almost Daedalic structure that was certainly a communal building – a landmark for the wider area (Ministry of Culture, 2024). Indeed, the circular structure on Papoura Hill is the first monument of this type to be discovered in Crete and the Aegean (A.G.A., 2025/6/26). The Ephorate of Antiquities of Herakleion therefore decided against the installation of the aviation radar facilities intended to be built near the circular structure at Papoura. Nevertheless, the Greek government and the Ministry of Culture have decided to continue with the installation of a 33-m civil aviation radar tower within the boundaries of the monument and its surrounding historical landscape against international conventions and national legislation. Except for the radar tower, a supporting building for the radar, two 25 m tall antennae, and an underground substation building are to be constructed around the circular structure. The radar tower will be built a mere 46 m from the circular structure’s perimeter (20 m according to other sources (Dionellis, 2025). According to the Ministry of Culture, the monument will be open to the public after the completion of the airport’s construction (Zois, 2025). The Minister of Culture, Lina Mendoni, an accomplished archaeologist herself, stated that “meeting the citizen’s needs for quality living and progress must coexist harmoniously with the unique and irreplaceable capital of cultural heritage” and assured listeners that the planned installation of the radar tower and antennae will still allow the archaeological site to be open to the public (Ministry of Culture, 2025/7/21).
The decision to install the aviation radar on ‘Hill 24’ as Papoura is described in the proposed plans for the construction of the airport was announced prior to the convention of Central Archaeological Council’s (CAC), creating a fait accompli. According to the Association of Greek Archaeologists and an intervention signed by 114 archaeologists from around the world who conduct research in the Aegean (Dionellis, 2025), the construction of the radar tower is thought to hinder any possibility of the monument’s future public presentation. Additionally, quarrying with the use of explosives as has been suggested in the tower’s construction phase may cause collateral damage to the monument’s structure (Petition for the Preservation and Protection of Papoura Hill 2025; A.G.A., 2025/6/26). More archaeological sites have been located by surveying the surrounding area, and the proposed installation of radar facilities 20 m from the circular structure would inevitably prohibit their protection and presentation to the public. The residents, local authorities and members of the parliament strongly oppose the installation of the aviation radar towers due to the exceptional nature of the archaeological site (Dionellis, 2025).
A few days after the CAC’s decision to approve the proposed installation of radar systems next to the circular structure on Papoura Hill, the Bronze Age Minoan Palatial Centres (Knossos, Phaistos, Malia, Zakros, Zominthos and Kydonia) were added to the UNESCO World Heritage Sites List (UNESCO, 2025). This news was greeted by the Greek Ministry of Culture as “a great success of our country. It certifies the international recognition of the outstanding universal value of the six extremely important archaeological sites” (Ministry of Culture, 2025/7/12). It remains to be seen whether the Pre-palatial circular structure at Papoura Hill will be inducted into the UNESCO World Heritage Sites List after the construction of the aviation radar towers next to it.
Archaeology against the public
Public Archaeology was coined as a term in 1972 and gained prominence in the late-90s and early 2000s. It broadly refers to the ways archaeology can engage the public in archaeological projects and outcomes, investigating the various innovative ways we can seek to include the public as an audience, as clients and as equal partners. Thomas F. King’s article “Professional responsibility in Public Archaeology” is perhaps most pertinent to the archaeological discoveries at Eptapyrgion and Papoura Hill. King identified six objects of responsibility for archaeologists: archaeological sites, colleagues, the advancement of scholarship, those who fund archaeological projects, legal and contractual obligations, and finally non-archaeologists with interests in archaeological sites or data. He argues that all objects of responsibility are real, and conflicts between them arise when we allow them to become unbalanced, as for example when some data [which] are embodied in sites that are sacred to groups to whom we should feel responsible are not preserved (King 1983: 161).
Although they belong to entirely different periods of history, the Bronze Age circular structure at Papoura Hill and the 20th century mass burials near Eptapyrgion seem still to be ‘sacred’ for members of both the local and archaeological community. The bond between the people who constructed the circular structure on Papoura Hill some millennia ago with the “Living” (as King calls non-archaeologists with interests in archaeological sites) are not as strong as those of some residents of Thessaloniki with the executed political prisoners at Eptapyrgion. In both cases, however, the public has voiced concerns about the ways in which the state chooses to treat the “Resource Base”.
For the people of Herakleion, the Prepalatial structure at Papoura Hill is a possible peak sanctuary situated “at a location which offers a unique view of the entire plain and inspires awe, even in the modern visitor” (Municipal Council of Minoa Pediadas, 2025). The Municipal Council’s decision was based on the reports and expressed concerns of archaeologists, the Ephorate of Antiquities of Herakleion, and the wider archaeological community, but opposition was also voiced by local residents.
The sentiments are much deeper for the mass burial sites at Eptapyrgion. The “Living” in this case include relatives of executed individuals who are seeking to identify the remains of family members who were denied the dignity of a proper funeral procession and burial. This time, not only archaeologists (A.G.A., 2025/5/5), but also historians (H.A.I., 2025/5/22) supported locals’ demand for a continuation of research. Despite this, the Ministry of Culture deemed that the finds were not archaeologically important.
The emerging concept from these decisions is what I choose to describe as ‘forbidden archaeology’. That is, excavations that are allowed to continue until they clash with dominant narratives or economic development, at which time the pursuit of archaeological investigation is forbidden. The outcomes of archaeological practice are accessible to the public only when they serve the narrative of ‘Greek Continuity’ and illustrate the grandeur of Greek civilisation, like at the Minoan Palatial Centres. However, it seems that even such monuments as the Pre-palatial or Proto-palatial Minoan structure at Papoura Hill – an entirely unique find – come second to economic development. Although it cannot be argued that the archaeological investigation of the circular structure at Papoura Hill was obstructed by the Ministry of Culture, a significant portion of the archaeological community feels that it was not allowed to be completed. What is more, there are serious doubts as to whether the public will actually have access to the monument if the aviation radar systems are installed, thus essentially forbidding access to the site.
The mass burial of executed Civil War political prisoners is material proof of an unsettling reality in modern Greek history. In Greece, the Civil War is always left out of the school curriculum, although the history books of the 3rd grade of Junior High School and High School include relevant passages. Much like the Palaeolithic, which has consistently been downplayed or minimally addressed in the primary and secondary education curricula in Europe and more recently omitted from the Greek secondary education curriculum, the Civil War and its consequences are kept hidden from the public. In other countries around the world, Truth-Reconciliation Commissions have been constituted to discover and reveal wrongdoings, such as during civil-wars, under dictatorships or the extents of internal unrest related human rights abuses, with the aims of resolving conflict left over from the past. It seems that in Greece the circumstances still do not allow such resolutions when the education system does not address this period of relatively recent Greek history, and significant archaeological finds from the Civil War are not given due care and attention.
Forbidden archaeologies are the diachronic obstacles between the research outcomes and the public. They cover the entire lifespan of the research into the material remains of human activities. It encompasses Palaeolithic archaeology in Greece which is excluded from most museum exhibitions, primary and secondary education curricula. It includes Bronze Age archaeology, when unique discoveries that captivate the public and intrigue the scientific community are shadowed by aviation radar development plans. It discriminates between the treatment of the mass burials of the Archaic period and the Civil War, both captives who suffered and were denied the dignity of a proper funeral. It can be subtle, reassuring that sites will be accessible to the public when it is obvious that they will not, or taken to the extreme when archaeology is targeted by extremists, like in the case of the brutal assassination of archaeologists in Syria bound with an invisible thread with the Minoan circular structure on Papoura Hill which was nominated for the 2024 International Archaeological Discovery Award “Khaled al-Asaad”. In essence, these are examples of archaeology which conflicts with the public, serving political and economic interests of minorities. Forbidden archaeologies are certainly not limited in space and time so their definition may vary but is of utmost importance to the ethics of archaeological practice to identify and overcome the obstacles set forth by institutions of power.
What you can do
Sign the petition for the Preservation and Protection of Papoura Hill.
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